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Mathias Buhtz
Praktiken des Krieges gegen den internationalen Terrorismus

Die These dieses Beitrages lautet: mit dem „Krieg gegen den internationalen Terrorismus“ und seiner Ausweitung auf den Irak als Reaktion der US-Administration auf den 11.09.2001 haben veränderte Praktiken Einzug in die internationale Politik gehalten. Diese neuen sozialen Praktiken sollen anhand zentraler "Texte" der Debatte rekonstruiert werden. Dabei führen diese veränderten Praktiken dazu, dass die liberalen Grenzziehungen zwischen innen und außen; zwischen öffentlich und privat sowie zwischen Individuum und Gesellschaft von der Politik auf internationaler Ebene in Frage gestellt und verschoben werden. Eben diese Verschiebung soll unter die Lupe genommen werden.


Michael Buehl
Music from Below: From Urban Discrimination to Tupac Shakur and False Consciousness




Aryong Choi
Revolutionary body overcoming Red Complex

Since Korea war in 1950, Korea was divided into south advocating liberal democratism and north, communism. It had justified oppressing peoples' freedom of expression.
S. Korean government defined N. Korea as "bbalgangyi(red people)" and arrested those defending the communism by the National Security law. Politicians has suffered from color controversy by being characterized as red.
Traditionally, the representative colors of Korea are red and blue. Two colors on the Taegukgi symbols birth and development of universe as vivid as its contrast. In reality, red is familiar to Koreans. But the ideology of ruling power has made Koreans consider red as negative and avoid using it. Sometimes people were inspected in the length of hair and skirt. Therefore the body had lost the identity isolated from tradition and desire.
At the 2002 World Cup, Korean supporters selected two negative concepts: "RED" and "DEVILS". Koreans gathered in public spheres and shouted "Be the Reds" freely, wearing red T-shirs and make-up on face and body with red and dressing up with Taegukgi grotesquely. People took photographs of themselves proudly and uploaded them their mini homepages scattered in internet.
The press reported it without negative meanings. It was a turning point to Korean society. Because it was the first massive experience to overcome red complex and to express desire and permitted to whole generations. It was erupted through the body and it could break taboos and norms culturally. It was not controlled by the ruling power and influenced present culture and politics of 2006.


Albert Galeev
Confronting threats of revolutions: new trends in the Russian national security strategic planning

Recent revolutions in some post-Soviet states led the regimes in others to the understanding that the existing attitude towards national security should be changed. So the critical issue remains whether it violates democratic rights or not. On the other hand, Russia has moved much closer to its traditional regional allies once appeared pro-American oriented. Finally, Kremlin tries to revive its influence in the international arena by reconsidering the foreign policy resources being at its disposal for many years and seeking new ones.


Tatjana Glaß
Von der Schizophrenie zur Multiphrenie

Die Schizophrenie hat viele Gesichter. Zu den Wurzeln der Schizophrenie zählt die Lähmung der Persönlichkeit, die Unfähigkeit des Menschen zwischen einer inneren und äußeren Welt zu unterscheiden und der Verlust der persönlichen Autonomie.
Bereits diesen Begrifflichkeiten liegt ein dezidiertes, psychiatrisches Menschenbild zugrunde - der Mensch ist ein selbstbestimmtes, einheitliches Wesen nach mechanistischem Modell. Als pathogen wird alles unnormale und kranke definiert, der Normalzustand muss wieder hergestellt werden. Vielfalt (der Persönlichkeit) ist bedrohlich. Dieses Bild hat einen Nachhall in der Gesellschaft gefunden, eine kausale Beziehung zwischen „anders“ und „bedrohlich“ wurde etabliert.
Gergen wendet sich gegen diese Postulation der notwendigen und natürlichen Einheit des Individuums in der Psychiatrie. Seine Konzeption des Relationalen Selbst versteht sich als Gegensatz - die Beschreibung der Persönlichkeit wird in den Kontext der vielfältigen Beziehungen zu Anderen als Gegenstand einer Konstruktion gesetzt: „From the constructionist standpoint, relationship takes priority over the individual self: Selves are only realized as a by-product of relatedness.“ (Gergen, 1994, S. 249) Für die sich ergebende Unendlichkeit an Schattierungen für ein Selbst, die Gergen denn auch als Bereicherung ansieht, stellt er als Alternative seinen Begriff der „Multiphrenie“ ins Feld.
Das Bild eines gesunden Menschen wird in der Psychiatrie negativ über die Abwesenheit von Pathologien beschrieben. Diese Beschreibung hat vielfältige soziale und gesellschaftliche Implikationen: Abweichungen von einem normativen Normalzustand werden als bedrohlich angesehen, Normierungen auf breiter Fläche gelten als zuverlässige Lösung – der interindividuelle Frieden ist wieder hergestellt. Die Tendenz „anders“ als gefährlich zu sehen und zu bezeichnen, ermöglicht und bedingt vielfache Ausgrenzungsprozesse. Diese Kausalstruktur erlaubt es uns nicht nur das Andere interindividuell auszugrenzen, sondern auch intraindividuell abzulehnen – Bewältigungsstrategien für die Gefahren des realen Lebens werden als Psychosen pathologisiert.
Diesen Teufelskreis zu sprengen kann enorme Ressourcen und Impulse freisetzen. Um diese Perspektiverweiterung zu erreichen möchte ich Gergens Konzept der Multiphrenie als Alternative einbringen und die Chancen dieses Konzepts herausstellen.


Erika Gleisner
Talking about a Revolution

I dare to say that there has been a quiet – and sometimes not so quiet – revolution regarding women’s and men’s position, function, understanding within the public and private sphere throughout the last sixty years. Not only do women partake in the labour market, thanks to liberal feminism, WWII etc, they even go for higher and top positions and (try to) manage the household and childcare at the same time. How successful they are is a different matter. In general, both men and women desire a successful work-life balance where both partners work an equal share in the domestic labour. Studies have shown that the behaviour is rather the contrary. The division of domestic labour is still gendered, i.e. women do the household management, although the macro-structures have changed.
Research has shown that there are different household management strategies which are connected to various structural factors, e.g. educational level, type of job, identity/role, policy etc – to mention but a few. It is the link to identity/role which I want to focus on. Thus concepts like masculinity/femininity, parenthood, motherhood/fatherhood, provider/worker identity, husband/wife and power play major roles here. Hochschild (1997) and Gill (1995) conducted narrative interviews and observed three-job families. Those narratives are full of traces of a past and contemporary revolution as well as a language of a desired revolution. What types of revolutions exist, (how) are they dealt with and expressed?


Anara Karagulova
The Kyrgyz 'Revolution': a rational action or a political discourse

This article will argue that, prior to the parliamentary elections in February 2005, the A. Akaev government arguably created a discourse of danger and instability. In this discourse, the key threat was the potential for chaos in the situation of a ‘revolution’ generated by outside forces. It was developed in order to de-legitimise the opposition and influence the public opinion. In this article, there will be a discussion of this discourse around the ‘political instability’ and the responsibility of the ‘outside forces’. This will be followed by a reflection of the ‘Clean Kyrgyzstan’ programme created by the former president, A. Akaev.
Drawing on post-structural theoretical work in critical international relations theories and newer ideas about “discourses of danger” on Central Asia, this is an examination of how representations of danger are produced, circulated and contested within contemporary Kyrgyzstan, and shows how they work in domestic struggles. The central question of this paper is concerning the role of the elite discourse of danger in domestic power struggle, legitimization of power, in delegitimizing dissent and formation of political identity in Kyrgyzstan.
The methodology used is a review of the pro-government press in Kyrgyz language. However, this is not a classic media review, which assumes the media to be free and present wide public view. In this work, I am looking at the press, through which the former government ‘talked’ directly to the public. This work highlights the ‘production’ of discourse rather than ‘consumption’ of it.
The discourse about the stability generated by former governmental agents was a rewriting of the character of Kyrgyzstan, and framed and defined a particular identity. This was performed by the repetition of a series of contrasting images about Kyrgyzstan and neighbors Afghanistan and Tajikistan. Kyrgyzstan was a haven of ‘cleanliness’, ‘stability’, ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ under the ‘shadow of the God’ i.e., Akaev’s leadership. These practices and discourses were part of strategies that protected the power of the ruling elite. The omnipresent existence of danger justified sometimes measures of control and surveillance that enabled to it entrench its power base against opposition and delegitimize possible dissent.


Pawel Marczewski
Freedom to revolt or revolting to be free? Rethinking Tocqueville

Undoubtedly history of philosophy would have been impoverished if the French Revolution had not occurred. Edmund Burke or Joseph de Maistre, to name but two most significant examples, wrote their works both to protest against the situation in revolutionary France and to defend the order that was being destroyed in front of their eyes. But revolutions have been praised and hoped for as often as they have been criticised and feared of. Hannah Arendt perceived Hungarian revolt of 1956 as a manifestation of politics in its purest form. The whole Europe held its breath during what was later to be called the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. While all revolutions seem to break out as a result of desperate longing for freedom and more equal representation of citizens’ interests, some not only fail, but bring into existence tyrannies even worse than those they were trying to abolish. Can any attempt at formulating more general rule concerning revolutions be made? Is there a way to distinguish between those revolutions that will end up in self-provoked bloodshed and those that will bring about freedom? I will try to address these questions by referring to the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville. His account of revolution of 1848 given in Souvenirs along with two seminal works, De la democratie en Amerique and L’Ancient regime et la Revolution, bring freedom into the core of debate about what is revolution and what it means to revolt.

Carla Rivadeneira
The conflicts within the "Chilean road to the socialism": definition and viability of "a revolutionary" project

The question of the revolution is in the middle of the Chilean way to socialism, the project of the Unidad Popular (Popular Unit) having to the head president Salvador Allende. It faced the two parties' leaders of alliance: the Communist and the Socialist, whose theoretical discussion starts in 1962 and never knows the end. Certainly, it becomes a source of conflicts when the UP gains the government (1970-1073), in particular with regard to the practical application of the program: the popular mobilization, the transformation of the institutions and the role of the State in the way to socialism. On the one hand the PC is engaged in the peaceful way, which had been its political strategy since years, but that it highlights in an official way only after the directives come from the USSR (1956, 1960 and 1969). The revolution for the PC was to be gradual and while passing by the democratico-bourgeoise revolution. It was to observe the conditions of the country and to include a broad social base: a part of the middle-class and the working class as leader of the process. The socialist Party, on the other hand (of which a part was influenced by the Cuban revolution) proposed to forget the democratico-bourgeoise revolution and to develop a Front of workers of the people without middle-class. For the PS, the middle-class was non democratic, "feeble" and incompetent to achieve the goals necessary for Chile. Once in the government the socialists promoted mobilizations which became the core of famous "the popular overflow". For the PC, the Socialists behaved like "gauchists". For the PS the Communists were only "reformists". The "revolutionary" character of the project was so different for one that for the other. After 33 years of the coup d'etat, the protagonists of this period, as well as politicians and experts try to find an explanation for the failure of the project. For us the question of the revolutionary way (of which the form is also the bottom) is one of the aspects to be considered. With regard to its practices as well as the crisis which occurred within the government.

Mareike Teigeler
Die Konstruktion von Wirklichkeit im Kontext von Disziplinar- und Kontrollgesellschaft

Auf der Grundlage der Analyse von gesellschaftspolitischen Veränderungen in der Passage vom `Fordismus´ zum `Postfordismus´,bzw. von der `Disziplinargesellschaft´ zur `Kontrollgesellschaft´, ist das Ziel meiner Promotion, das zu beobachtende Wechselspiel zwischen zunehmender Individualisierung und einer stetig subtiler werdenden sozialen Strukturierung auf mögliche Widerstandsformen hin zu untersuchen. Den Ausgangspunkt hierzu bilden die Arbeiten Michel Foucaults und dessen im Spätwerk auftauchende Wendung zur `Gouvernementalität´. Allerdings werfen die späten Schriften Foucaults über die `Ästhetik der Existenz´, bzw. die `Ethik der Selbstsorge´einige Fragen auf, die darum kreisen, inwiefern seine hier vorgestellten Konzepte über das Subjekt möglicherweise dem postfordistisch, neoliberalen Dauerplädoyer für Eigenverantwortung im Sinne des Selbstmanagements in die Hände spielen und für eine Verschränkung seiner kritisch intendierten Ethik mit einer kapitalistisch-affirmativen Doktrin sorgen. Z.B. macht der aktuelle Umgang mit dem Begriff der `Revolution´in der Managementliteratur (z.B. Hamel, Gary: Das revolutionäre Unternehmen. München. 2001), der `Revolution´ als Angebot von Unternehmen postuliert, die die Wandlung der Individuen betreiben, deutlich, inwieweit Foucaults Forderung nach `neuen Subjektivitäten´nur schwerlich der aktuellen ökonomischen Strategie entkommt. Einen Ansatz dieser möglichen Doppeldeutigkeit zu entgehen und somit das kritisch motivierte Moment innerhalb Foucaults Konzept herauszuarbeiten, bietet meiner Meinung nach die Zusammenführung seiner Konstitutionsanalysen mit den Arbeiten Hellmuth Plessners zur `exzentrischen Positionalität´, insofern diese den Zentralbegriff modernen Selbstverständnisses, nämlich `Autonomie´als einen Sachverhalt der `Unbestimmtheit´ und `Möglichkeitsoffenheit´beschreibt. Ziel dieser Zusammenführung soll sein, den Fokus auf Realitäten zwischen Wirklichkeit und Möglichkeit zu legen, innerhalb derer sich eine subjektive Handlungsmacht im Sinne eines `Selbst Seins auf dem Grunde eines Nichtselbstseins´ entfalten kann.


Ahmed Aminu Yusuf
The 1945 General Strike and the Struggle for Nigeria's Independence in Nigeria: A Preliminary Research Note

Studies on the working class in colonial Nigeria have focused mainly on the leadership, organizational structures, collective bargaining, ideological tendencies, and factionalism of the trade union movement. Others concentrated on the forms, methods and strategies of workers’ struggles. Important as these studies are, they do not address the historical context and the social conditions which gave rise to these phenomena, ignore the role of the rank-and-file workers in the movement, disregard the content of their actions and neglect the demands of their struggles.
My proposed study will examine the historical context and social conditions that gave rise to, informed, influenced, and shaped the struggles of the working class in colonial Nigeria, the content and demands of such struggles, and the significance of these struggles in the colonial economy and society. The study will thus examine and analyse the involvement and participation of the working class in national politics in colonial Nigeria. In so doing, the study will pay attention to the 1945 General Strike. The strike, the first of its kind, lasted for 44 days in the capital and 53 days in the regions, shook the colonial state to its foundation, and intensified the struggle for national independence and for Nigeria by Nigerians.
What led to this strike? What demands did the strikers put forward? How was the strike organized and sustained? What were the reactions of the state and the colonial enterprises, in both Nigeria and Britain, to the strike? How did the indigenous social forces perceived and reacted to the strike? What informed the general perceptions and reactions to the strike? Of what significance was the strike to the anti-colonial and independence struggles? These are the major problematic questions of my paper.